The landing of Salvadoran troops has sparked genuine enthusiasm among the Haitian population. This excitement can be attributed to the results achieved by President Nayib Bukele in the fight against gangs in his country, but also to the independence of his approach towards Haitian leaders, accused of collusion with gangs, and his autonomy of action in relation to UN forces. The operations of the Salvadoran forces have only reinforced this enthusiasm and have allowed the population to see that the bandits are not invincible, when forces equipped with adequate means engage with will.
In the face of Salvadoran troops, the bandits change their approach; rather than confronting them directly as they usually do with the Haitian police, they now prefer negotiation or retreat strategies. These operations have thus provoked a shockwave that exceeds the ranks of armed groups, but have been sufficient to worry networks of official, political, and economic complicity that sustain and feed this destructive violence.
The reaction of Prime Minister Fils Aimé, following the tragedy that struck the four Salvadoran soldiers, is particularly revealing. His public stance, rather discreet, contrasts sharply with the gravity of this heinous act. Even more troubling, he preferred a private trip to Mexico, mobilizing the meager resources of the state to attend the wedding of a close acquaintance, while foreign troops were beginning to engage on his soil in a particularly tragic security context.
In light of this turning point, the PM, evidently devoid of initiatives that could alter the balance of power on the ground since the arrival of the Salvadorans, now seems to prefer a communication strategy based on confusion and diversion. In fact, it is an attempt to politically reclaim the results of an initiative over which he has neither control over its direction nor its operational modalities to conceal the real stakes of this destructive violence.
Flagrant inconsistencies! Initially, PM Fils-Aimé adopted a 'nationalist' discourse, claiming that all forces present on the territory were under the authority of Haitian leaders and that no foreign force could resolve the crisis in which the country finds itself. In the second instance, he claims that his regime was the one behind the landing of Salvadoran troops, even though these were conducting their operations in complete autonomy.
The interference of El Salvador in the crisis has laid bare the ineffectiveness and uselessness of the United Nations Gang Suppression Force (FRG), as well as the Haitian authorities. We must never forget the initiative taken by the UN representative in 2020, Helen Meger Lalim, to federate the gangs. The failure of the current armed mission after more than a year aligns with Madam Lalim's position to keep Haiti in its chaos. There are also efforts by a part of the police to combat the gangs which are generally sabotaged by officials and the hierarchy of the institution. Most often, the bandits are informed of police operations.
Bukele's reaction demanding the return of Salvadoran technicians with threats of retaliation, following the tragedy of these four compatriots, was surprisingly followed by a task force directly under the control of the Prime Minister's Office with drone strikes, usually on the civilian population. The strongholds of the main gang leaders, very visible on any map, are never targeted by Erik Prince's drones. Intensive publicity has been implemented regarding the casualties and damages, denouncing Bukele's actions against the bandits even before the Salvadoran forces began their operations.
In addition to the power's diversion and confusion strategies to limit the actions of the Salvadoran military, other more concerning dynamics are emerging. Indeed, leaders of a Haitian NGO (UNAH) reportedly sent correspondence to the UN denouncing alleged massacres carried out by Salvadoran soldiers, even though they had not yet truly engaged. The leaders of this NGO are former dignitaries of the legal bandit regime of Michel Martelly and local media mention this NGO's affiliation with the Martelly clan.
Even more troubling is the sending of correspondence from Lanmò San Jou, leader of the gang 400 Mawozo, to the UN Secretary-General, requesting the opening of a negotiation process with armed groups. Observers suspect a possible involvement of officials and leaders of this organization in the initiative of this criminal group.
The PM, benefiting from exceptional power after February 7, 2026, thanks to the low maneuvers of American ambassador Henry Wooster and Erik Prince, is at the center of a major contradiction at this historical crossroads. This is a concerning situation, Erik Prince benefited from a opaque and unproductive contract estimated at $52 million. As one of the stakeholders in the criminal economy system, the PM's objective would be to renew this mafia system by organizing fraudulent elections with the support of armed gangs.
Thus, it is impossible for a sincere and productive collaboration to emerge between the PM and President Bukele regarding security. The stated willingness by Bukele to fight the gangs is incompatible with the preservation of the criminal economy.
Diversion and confusion! This is the task that PM Fils-Aimé is dedicated to.
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